Why Do Black Men Not Stay With Family
This brief is the kickoff in a series examining timely topics that are relevant to Blackness families and children in the Usa. It provides a brief summary of recent data and historical context on family structure, employment and income, and geography for Black people with young children in the Usa. The 2d brief sheds light on the role of federal policies in creating, maintaining, and addressing these structural inequities, with a specific focus on access to early on care and education for Black families. The third brief uses national, land, and local data to examine housing access and other available supports for Black families, peculiarly during the COVID-19 pandemic.
Blackness Americans' social standing in the United States has been shaped by a long history of racism in laws, policies, and practices that has built racist institutions and created and exacerbated inequality. This inequality is built into the infrastructure of our state and has formed the foundation for structural racism—a system that privileges White people and results in intentional disadvantage for Blackness Americans. These inequalities negatively affect the lives of Blackness people in a number of ways, including where they alive;[one] the pedagogy they receive;[ii] their employment and economic opportunities, access to child intendance, mental and physical health outcomes, and political standing and power; and the fashion they are treated in our systems of law and justice.[iii] Virtually every facet of the lives of Black people in the U.s.a.—both adults and children—is shaped by race. America's racist laws and policies accept long impacted Black Americans, regardless of their socioeconomic status or social standing.
Population
Black Americans currently number almost 42 million, making up about 13 percent of the total population in the United States. Equally of 2019, there were 2.68 meg Blackness children from birth to age iv in the United States.
Definitions
Due to the pervasive nature of structural racism in the United States, no Black person in America (regardless of their country of origin or beginnings) is immune from the furnishings of racism. However, the historical context of an individual's state of origin or identification may vary; this, in plow, has the potential to differentially touch on the experiences of Black people in the U.s..
When referencing Black people throughout this issue cursory series, we are referring to individuals who may identify every bit African American—those who were primarily built-in in America and are descended from enslaved Africans who survived the trans-Atlantic slave merchandise—as well equally the smaller populations of people living in America who may identify as Blackness African or Afro-Caribbean.
Black also includes individuals who reported being Black solitary or in combination with one or more races or ethnicities in their responses to the U.S. Census—for instance, an individual who identifies as Black only, as well as someone who identifies as Blackness and White combined or Afro-Latino.
Click here to view more than definitions.
Family construction
Culturally, Black Americans have long highly valued romantic partnerships, wedlock, and children. Nevertheless, institutional and structural barriers ofttimes forestall them from being able to realize these values,[4],[five],[half dozen] especially for those who have low incomes.[vii] From 1987 to 2017, the rates of cohabitation among Black women ages 19 to 44 increased from 36 percent to 62 percent, a rate like to that seen among women from other racial groups. The per centum of Black women ever married, however, is lower than those who have cohabitated, at 37 percent. While there are many explanations for lower levels of matrimony amongst Black women, an overwhelming number of theories focus on economic science—specifically, the earning potential and availability of Black men.[8],[9] For instance, a lack of employment opportunities for Black men, college workforce participation amid Blackness women than among Black men, a lack of wage parity between Blackness women and Black men, and the disproportionate representation of Black men (particularly from low-income backgrounds) in the criminal justice system may result in a lack of marriageable partners (e.thousand., men who are perceived by women as attractive union prospects because of their financial or social standing). Importantly, each of these theories—implicitly, and sometimes explicitly—acknowledges the potential part of systemic racism and its impact on the marriage rate of Black Americans.
Fertility rates for Black women have declined slightly over the past ten years, from 70.8 births per 1,000 women in 2008 to 62.0 per 1,000 in 2018. Xxx-seven percent of Blackness women have a showtime birth between historic period 20 and age 24, and birth rates for Blackness women are highest from ages 25 to 29. This indicates that Black women are having children at the same ages at which they may be enrolled in school or entering the workforce. At the end of their childbearing years (ages fifteen to 50), Black women accept had an average of 2.1 children.
Blackness children live in a diverseness of family unit structures, including married, cohabiting, coparenting, and single-parenting households. Sixty-four percent of Black children alive in unmarried-parent families, which may include single parents living with an single partner or with another family. Amid Black women ages 15 to l, approximately lx percent were married or living with an unmarried partner at the time of their first birth, and roughly 40 percent were neither married nor living with an single partner. The stardom between "unmarried" and single only living with a partner or co-parent is of import because information technology indicates that, despite declines in formal marriage rates, close to 60 percent of Black fathers (close to 2.v million of 4.2 million) live with their children, a fact often in contrast with public perceptions of Black men with children.[10] Within these households, Black couples generally subscribe to egalitarian and flexible gender roles.[11],[12] While American fathers of all races and ethnicities are generally more involved with the care of their immature children than in decades past, Black fathers—both those who live with and live autonomously from their children—are more than likely than White or Hispanic fathers to feed or eat meals with, bathe, diaper or dress, and play or read to their children on a daily basis.[13]
Extended family and kin networks, a source of social support and an enduring legacy of African cultures and heritage, have also played a key role in childrearing within Black communities. For example, among children living in a grandparent's home and being cared for primarily by a grandparent, with no parents involved, more 1 quarter are Black. Black grandparents play instrumental roles in childrearing and child intendance even when children alive with their parents.[14] Family and kin networks also serve as an of import buffer for some of the negative impacts of structural and institutional racism experienced past Blackness families,[15] and frequently provide emotional support and instrumental assistance such as assistance with transportation and finances.
Employment and income
As with family structure, families' economic standing can touch on their access to services and resources that can affect the quality and stability of their relationships with their children, as well as their children's social-emotional and cognitive development.[16] For example, higher parental earnings (more than mutual in married and/or two-parent households) have been associated with increased stimulation and response among infants and immature children; this, in turn, has direct links to brain development. In addition, children from families of middle and lower socioeconomic condition have shown reduced levels of linguistic communication development from as early equally 18 months, compared with their more affluent peers.[17] Hypotheses suggest that upper-income parents who generally accept college levels of education may have more free time and/or power to invest time and resources in their children than middle- and lower-income families.[18] In addition, college incomes facilitate better admission to stable and safe housing, which is a determining cistron for a number of kid outcomes.
While employment indicators are important, earnings and workforce participation are not a panacea for facilitating Black children'southward positive development. Black parents participate in the U.Due south. workforce in high numbers, with three in four Black children under age 6 having all residential parents actively engaged in employment. Half of Black female person workers are mothers and more than two thirds of working Blackness mothers are single. These high rates of workforce participation, nevertheless, do not translate to higher earnings. Amongst all full-time workforce participants in 2018, Blackness men earned 70.2 cents for every dollar earned by White men and Black women earned 61.nine cents; in contrast, White women earned 78.6 cents for every dollar earned by White men. In improver, Black men and women are overrepresented in jobs that have nonstandard hours of employment. Thirty-four percent of young Blackness children living in a unmarried-parent, low-income household—and seventy percentage of young Black children living in a two-parent, depression-income household—have parents who work a combination of standard and nonstandard hours. Nineteen percent of Black children living with ii parents had one parent who worked overnight hours, and 6 per centum had both parents working overnight hours. Furthermore, 23 pct of those living in a single-parent household had a parent working weekend hours.
In addition to working nonstandard hours, Blackness men and women have less secure employment. Due to difficulties inbound and staying in the labor market, Black men tend to work fewer hours than White and Hispanic men, while Black women work as many hours as White women only experience higher reductions in work hours when the economy slows. In fact, despite high rates of workforce participation, Blackness workers had the highest unemployment rate nationally in the first quarter of 2020, at 6.three percentage. This disparity increased as the COVID-nineteen pandemic slowed the economy and led to job loss for thousands of Americans. In turn, greater job insecurity may consequence in college rates of poverty for Black Americans. In 2019, the poverty rate for Black Americans was 18.8 percent, in comparison to xv.7 percent for Hispanics and 7.iii percent for both Asians and Whites, and Blackness female person-headed households had a poverty charge per unit of 31.7 percent. Furthermore, 34 percent of Black children from birth to age 5 live in households with incomes below the federal poverty line.
In sum, Black Americans have experienced employment-related challenges and structural barriers that make information technology difficult to maintain adequate income or accumulate wealth despite active participation in the workforce. Between the last recession (which began in 2007) and 2016, the wealth gap between Black families with children under age xviii and both White and Hispanic families with children under historic period xviii widened, despite the income gap remaining relatively constant. In 2019, median household income for Black households was $45,438, compared to $56,113 for Hispanic households, $76,057 for not-Hispanic White households, and $98,174 for Asian households.
Geography
The enduring legacy of slavery, in addition to subsequent discriminatory and racist housing policies, is axiomatic in the geography of where Black people alive across the country. During the Bully Migration, from 1916 to 1970, millions of Black Americans left the rural Southward for Northern and Western cities to get away from the oppression of racism and White hostility and to search for better employment opportunities. In the past 30 years, however, more affluent Blackness Americans accept participated in a "reverse migration," moving back to the South to settle in cities with lower costs of living and better economical and educational opportunities. Every bit a result, Blackness American families and children beyond all economic strata are currently highly concentrated in the Southern parts of the country and along the East Declension.
The relative size of the population of young Black children in the 50 states and the Commune of Columbia reflects this trend. In 2019, the District of Columbia had the highest percentage of children from birth to age iv who were Black, followed by Mississippi, Louisiana, Georgia, and Maryland. The table beneath shows the 10 states with the highest pct of Blackness children in 2019, along with the full number of Black children from birth to historic period iv in that state.
Table ane: 10 states (and DC) with the highest percentage of young children who are Black, 2019
While the ten states with the largest percentages of Black children from birth to age four were the same in 2019 as in 2010, the size and share of the Blackness child population has shifted within states. For case, the Commune of Columbia had the highest share of Blackness children in both 2010 and 2019, even though that share dropped from 54 percent to 44 percent. This is part of a broader demographic shift in the District, which is no longer majority Blackness. The number of Blackness children, yet, really increased by viii percentage in the same time. The other ix states saw petty alter in their percent of Black American children, but the number of Blackness American children decreased in eight states, ranging from ii percent (Delaware) to 17 percent (Mississippi). Changes in specific counties, metropolitan areas, and even neighborhoods may or may not be reflected in state-level changes. For example, while Georgia saw a small decrease overall (3%) in the share of Blackness children from birth to age iv, Atlanta's Black population grew by more than 20 percent from 2010 to 2018; in nearby Rockdale County, the share of the overall population that is Blackness grew from 18 percent to 55 percent in the same period. In terms of newer migration flows amid Black people, areas receiving more than immature couples or young single adults may run across more changes in the child population in the years that follow.
Similarly, despite large concentrations of Black people living in the Southern and Eastern United States, several states in the Midwest and Due west experienced large increases in the number and share of Black American children from 2010 to 2019, including Washington, Minnesota, Iowa, and Nevada. The table beneath shows the 10 states with the largest growth in the number of Blackness children from nascency to age 4 from 2010 to 2019.
Some states with minor populations of Black children (less than ii,000 children in 2010) saw growth of xl to 42 pct (Montana, Wyoming, and South Dakota), and Due north Dakota'southward population of Blackness children from birth to age four more than doubled (181%). While changes in smaller populations will be proportionally larger than similar changes in large populations, such changes still represent demographic shifts that—peculiarly if full-bodied in specific communities—may take implications for the infrastructure needed to support the provision of early intendance and instruction services for Blackness families.
Tabular array 2: x states with the highest percent modify in the population of young children who are Black, 2010-2019
Looking Alee
Structural racism in the Us has negatively impacted the nation'due south social and economic cloth and has been peculiarly damaging to Black Americans. In addition, the COVID-xix pandemic is unduly affecting those who have historically experienced disadvantage in the country, including Blackness individuals and families. This brief has provided a demographic overview of Blackness families with young children in the United States, highlighting iii areas of consideration for policymakers focused on family back up services: family structure, employment and income, and geography. We understand that no unmarried solution can disengage the harm of hundreds of years of racist policies and practices, and that moving frontward will require solutions from a wide range of places, organizations, and individuals beyond generations and with a diversity of lived experiences. The remainder of this serial will employ family structure, employment and income, and geography to shed calorie-free on how policies specific to early care and instruction and housing can address some of the historical wrongs perpetuated against Black individuals and families.
Additional Readings
Alexander, G., & Westward, C. (2012).The new Jim Crow: Mass incarceration in the age of colorblindness. The New Press.
Frey, W. H. (2019). Six maps that reveal America's expanding racial diversity: A pre-2020 census look at the wide dispersal of the nation's Hispanic, Asian, and Black populations. Brookings Institution. https://www.brookings.edu/research/americas-racial-diverseness-in-six-maps/
Hegewisch, A., Phil, M., & Hartmann, H. (2019). The gender wage gap: 2018 earnings differences by race and ethnicity. Institute for Women's Policy Enquiry (IWPR). https://iwpr.org/wp-content/ uploads/2019/03/C478_Gender-Wage-Gap-in-2018.pdf.
Katznelson, I. (2005). When affirmative action was white: An untold history of racial inequality in twentieth-century America. WW Norton & Company.
Parolin, Z. (2019). Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) and the Black–White child poverty gap in the U.s.,Socio-Economical Review. https://doi.org/10.1093/ser/mwz025
Percheski, C., & Gibson-Davis, C. (2020). A penny on the dollar: Racial inequalities in wealth among households with children.Socius, 6, i-17. https://doi.org/10.1177/2378023120916616
Perry, A. (2017). Recognizing bulk-black cities, when their existence is being questioned. Brookings Institution. https://www.brookings.edu/blog/the-avenue/2017/10/04/recognizing-bulk-black
-cities-when-their-beingness-is-being-questioned/
Rothstein, R. (2017)The colour of police force: A forgotten history of how our regime segregated America. Liveright Publishing.
Solomon, D., Maxwell, C. & Castro, A. (2019). Systematic inequality and economic opportunity. Center for American Progress. https://www.americanprogress.org/problems/race/reports/2019/08
/07/472910/systematic-inequality-economic-opportunity/
Tucker, M. B. & Mitchell-Kernan, C. (Eds.). (1995). The refuse in matrimony among African Americans: Causes, consequences, and policy implications. Russell Sage Foundation.
Western, B. & Wildeman, C. (2009). The Black family and mass incarceration. The ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 621(1), 221-242. doi: 10.1177/0002716208324850
Yeung, West. J., Linver, One thousand. R., & Brooks-Gunn, J. (2002). How money matters for young children's development: Parental investment and family processes. Child Development, 73(vi), 1861-1879.
Footnotes
[1] Rothstein, R. (2017)The color of police force: A forgotten history of how our regime segregated America. Liveright Publishing.
[three] Alexander, M. (2010). The new Jim Crow: Mass incarceration in the age of colorblindness. The New Press.
[four] Drake, South. C. & Cayton, H. R. (1945). Black metropolis: A written report of negro life in a northern city. University of Chicago Press.
[5] Franklin, D. L. & James, A. D. (1997). Ensuring inequality: The structural transformation of the African-American family unit. Oxford University Press.
[6] Tucker, Thou. B. & Mitchell-Kernan, C. (Eds.). (1995). The refuse in spousal relationship among African Americans: Causes, consequences, and policy implications. Russell Sage Foundation.
[seven] Edin, One thousand. & Kefalas, Thou. (2011). Promises I tin can continue: Why poor women put motherhood before union. Academy of California Printing.
[eight] Wilson, Westward. J. (1987). The truly disadvantaged: The inner city, the underclass, and public policy. The Academy of Chicago Printing.
[nine] Darity, W. A. & Myers, S. L. (1995). Family structure and the marginalization of Blackness men: Policy implications. In Tucker, B. M. & Mitchell-Kernan, C. (Eds.), The turn down of wedlock amid African Americans: Causes, consequences, and policy implications (pp. 263-308). Russell Sage Foundation.
[10] Coles, R., & Light-green, C. (Eds.). (2010). The myth of the missing Black male parent. New York: Columbia Academy Press. doi:10.7312/cole14370
[11] Boyd-Franklin, N. (2006). Black families in therapy: Understanding the African American feel. Guilford Printing.
[12] Pinderhughes, E. B. (2002). African American marriage in the 20th century. Family unit Procedure, 41(two), 269-282.
[thirteen] Jones, J. & Mosher, W. D. (2013). Fathers' interest with their children: United States, 2006-2010. National Centre for Health Statistics. https://www.cdc.gov/nchs/information/nhsr/nhsr071.pdf
[14] Taylor, R.J., Hernandez East., Nicklett, E.J., Taylor, H.O., & Chatters, L.M. (2014). Informal social back up networks of African American, Latino, Asian American, and Native American older adults. In Whitfield, M.East., Baker, T.A. (Eds).Handbook of minority aging (pp.417-434). Springer.
[16] Shonkoff, J. P. & Phillips, D. A. (Eds.). (2000). From neurons to neighborhoods: The scientific discipline of early childhood development. National Academies Printing.
[17] Hart, B., & T.R. Risley (1995). Meaningful differences in the everyday experience of immature American children. Paul H Brookes Publishing.
[18] Kaushal, N., Magnuson, Thou., Waldfogel, J. (2011). How is family unit income related to investments in children's learning? In Duncan, Yard.R., & Duncan Thousand. (Eds.) Whither opportunity: Ascent inequality, schools, and children'south life chances (pp. 187-206). Russell Sage Foundation.
Source: https://www.childtrends.org/publications/family-economic-and-geographic-characteristics-of-black-families-with-children
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